Murphy's Law
US Ambassador Patrick Murphy talks Soup & Media, The State of Southeast Asia 2024, US funds AIR media network, Small States Navigate U.S.-China Rivalry
Cambodia's Soup & Media
By Prak Chan Thul (Kiripost, amended)
In one of his final interviews before departing Cambodia, US Ambassador Patrick Murphy sat down with Kiripost’s Prak Chan Thul to reflect on his legacy and the bilateral relations with the Southeast Asian nation.
In this initial segment of the Q&A, Murphy delved into his experiences with travel, Cambodian cuisine, interactions with the local populace, his diplomatic endeavours, support for independent media and the challenges posed by cyber scams.
Q: As someone who has spent a considerable amount of time in Cambodia, what are some of your favourite things in the country? Its culture, people or memories?
A: Cambodia's greatest asset in my view is the Cambodian people. Around 17 million people who've been through many challenges, just like the country itself. The people proved to be resilient and very capable of working together to improve their livelihoods, and the peace and stability in the country. We've been partners in that process, especially for the last 30 years.
We're one of the largest foreign donors, we've contributed over $3 billion to Cambodia's development, and we see a lot of results.
Those are the highlights, seeing Cambodians become more healthy, more prosperous, living through this period of greater stability, engaging with the region and the rest of the world, and for me to work with the Cambodian people on these endeavours. That's what's been the real highlight. But indeed, Cambodia offers more, as well as some of the world's best cultural heritage, and Americans have been very proud to be able to contribute to that heritage.
“Cambodians are masters of soup”
Q: Let's talk about what are some of your favourite Cambodian dishes?
A: So much Cambodian food has been a highlight for me. I particularly like Lot Chha, the special noodles that Cambodians are very famous for. I also like sour soup, in fact, all soups. Cambodians are masters of soup, almost every meal has a soup and that's new for me.
Of course, I like the national dishes, like Lok Lak, Ambok rice, and Amok, but perhaps for me, what I enjoyed the most were two experiences. One tasting indigenous cultural food, travelling into the forest with Banong people and watching them collect ingredients to make their food and having a chance to taste it.
I've also really enjoyed working with some of the people choosing cuisine as a career training, and we had a chance to work together to make some dishes. I'm not a very good cook at all, but I had some help from some Cambodian friends and trainees, perhaps no more helpful than Chef Nak, Cambodia's celebrity chef. We did some great food, cultural events together and she's been a really good partner, helping to reestablish traditional Khmer food and protect it, but also to help Cambodians eat more healthily and to help increase food security.
We did some fun events together and I'm very grateful for her and for her friendship. She and her family have become very good friends of ours.
Q: What do you see as the most significant achievements that have contributed to the US-Cambodia relationship?
A: That's a great question. First, I want to say that it's not an individual. I am the ambassador and the chief of mission, and perhaps a visible representative of the United States, but I have a terrific team at the US Embassy.
We have 11 agencies. We have over 600 to 700 employees, including many Cambodians, and there's great talent; great innovation. I've been perhaps a better ambassador because of the team. I think working together, we have accomplished a great deal and I'm really pleased to see that aspects of the relationship are getting stronger, good cooperation on our foreign assistance.
Cambodia is a responsible member of the United Nations, including implementing Security Council resolutions and sanctions against North Korea to try and stop its nuclear and missile ambitions. We're working with Cambodia on law enforcement to counter international crime and protect citizens in both of our countries. We're also working to protect children.
I think, though, one area of our foreign assistance and partnership that's been the most impactful has been public health. Together, we got through the global pandemic Covid-19. Together, we're helping Cambodia become malaria free, that's within reach now, but also countering and combating other diseases like tuberculosis and HIV.
These partnerships are really making a difference in lives and now we see Cambodians living longer. We're seeing infant and maternal mortality come down. Stunting, a problem that begins with food insecurity, is decreasing, and Cambodians have more choices to live healthier lives.
I could point to so much more. We work together on a great ASEAN chair year in 2022. We also saw Cambodia host for the first time the Southeast Asian Games, the SEA Games. We had some American athletes come here and participate as Cambodian Americans. It was very exciting to see.
The United States hosted a special ASEAN US Summit in Washington during my time here, and President Biden himself came to the Kingdom of Cambodia during my tenure. All of these were real highlights and I think produced some good successes for the relationship.
“Our relationship is improving”
Q: Since we talked about partnerships, we should also touch on bilateral relationships in terms of human rights and politics. Under the new Prime Minister, has the US figured out new ways to strengthen bilateral ties?
A: Well, our relationship is improving. I'm convinced of that and I'm confident it can continue to improve in the future. The foundation is very solid and that's the friendship between the Cambodian people and American people. The United States was the first country to recognise an independent Cambodia in 1950, three years before actual independence was fully accomplished. We're proud of that enduring relationship. But no relationship is perfect and even as friends we have the opportunity to address some differences, some challenges in the relationship.
It is true that we would hope to see improvements in human rights and respect for rule of law here in Cambodia. That's not just our view, it's the view of many Cambodians. We know they aspire to improve and strengthen democracy, competitive multi party elections, to have a more robust independent media landscape here to ensure that civil society is protected, and also for the ability of all voices in Cambodia to be heard.
What we hope is that some people who've been arrested and detained and convicted can find their civil liberties and their freedom restored, and they can become part of the fascinating, rich, Cambodia mosaic.
This would be good for Cambodian people and the country's future economic development, but also good for the bilateral relationship. Human rights is a part of our foreign policy, core values and principles, part of our Constitution, our DNA, and I know that will be good for both countries.
Q: Since you talked a little bit about the media, can you tell us your thoughts on the current state of Cambodia's media landscape and its long term sustainability?
A: First, I admire Cambodians who choose the profession of journalism. It's not an easy life, anywhere in the world. Journalists are under a lot of pressure, a lot of stress, and I think we're seeing some degradation in press freedom. I think Cambodia is no exception to that. Just this past week, we celebrated World Press Freedom Day and we put a spotlight on the efforts that are needed to increase press freedom and protect journalists. A lot of journalists are very courageous, but they've also suffered casualties and deaths last year and this year.
But here in Cambodia, I admire those who choose journalism, and particularly those who are independent journalists. We are helping not only by being a voice, but we're helping with training. And I know you yourself are training young journalists and I admire that and I encourage you to continue such work.
I think there's reason to be optimistic in Cambodia because Cambodians have tasted independent media and have seen that it can help a democracy in sharing information with the public, in revealing accurate facts about developments, and about investigating and holding government and public officials accountable, including ambassadors.
We need to have criticism to learn what our shortcomings are, how we can improve and do the best for the people. During my time here, we've seen a few independent outlets be shuttered and I think many Cambodian people, plus me, miss things like the Cambodia Daily, Voice of Democracy, the full offices of [RFA] and VOA, and more (see below).
It'd be good to see those come back because many media voices help democracy. The media is like the fourth leg of a democratic table. And it's an important institution and my strong encouragement in leaving is for stakeholders to do everything to protect and help media and journalism flourish in the Kingdom of Cambodia. Just like that's needed around the world.
“It's not cheap. It's not easy to produce information”
Q: Do you see any potential solution or any initiatives that could help Cambodia media's strive in an increasingly competitive and digital world?
Answer: Well, that's true. It is competitive in journalism. I think the media in general are finding it economically difficult to ensure viability going forward, and the whole shifting paradigm in how news is produced and presented to the public has changed in my lifetime.
It's rapidly changing even during my tenure in Cambodia. I think there are two things that can help, one the general public. I hope Cambodians continue to find interest in getting news, reading it, demanding quality, encouraging media outlets to be responsible journalists, we all have to work together to be wary and counter misinformation and fake news. I think the Cambodian public can increase their appetite and demonstrate their appreciation.
You know, it's not cheap. It's not easy to produce information. So, I think Cambodians have to adjust and understand that journalists have to earn a living and media outlets need to be able to be profitable businesses, so we have to pay sometimes for our information, especially good information.
The second area that I encourage is for the government and public officials to publicly support the media, independent media, to welcome investigative journalism, and criticism. It's not easy. It's not easy as a public official. I don't like being criticised, but I accept that it's really important for my work, and for what we need to accomplish.
I hope that can shift in the thinking here that public officials can see that criticism can be helpful. Let me give you one example. All of us in the region right now are struggling with cyber scan centres. This is new, and this is resulting in trafficking in persons and many victims, those who are lured into working in these centres and those who are victims of the financial crime that then ensues.
It was independent investigative journalists in Cambodia that revealed this was a problem right here in the Kingdom, and a big one, and a growing one. That's what the government should embrace. Thank you, investigative journalist for revealing. Let's work together to find out how big the problem is where it's occurring and what we need to do to stop it.
Read more here.
The State of Southeast Asia 2024
SURVEY REPORT
China continues to be seen as the most influential economic (59.5%) and political-strategic (43.9%) power in the region, outpacing the US by significant margins in both domains. Among ASEAN’s eleven Dialogue Partners, China (mean score of 8.98 out of 11.0) tops the charts in terms of strategic relevance to ASEAN, followed by the US (8.79), and Japan (7.48). The partners of least strategic relevance are: India (5.04), Canada (3.81) and New Zealand (3.70).
China has edged past the US to become the prevailing choice (50.5%) if the region were forced to align itself in the on-going US-China rivalry. The US as a choice dropped from 61.1% in the previous year to 49.5%. Close to half of the respondents (46.8%) believe that ASEAN should enhance its resilience and unity to fend off pressures from the two major powers.
NB: The State of Southeast Asia 2024 Survey Report is published by the ASEAN Studies Centre at ISEAS - Yusof Ishak Institute
USAID Launches AIR Network
Asia Investigative Reporting Network
Bangkok, Thailand – The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) launched the Empowering the Truth Tellers – Asia Investigative Reporting Network (AIR Network) at the Foreign Correspondents Club of Thailand. This new project will support regional journalism, amplifying its potential to expose abuses of power, fight corruption, foster transparency, promote accountability, and strengthen democracy.
This new five-year, $10 million program will be implemented by Pact in conjunction with the International Center for Journalists (ICFJ) under the Civil Society and Media – Strengthened Together and Advancing in New Directions (CSM-STAND) program.
Steven G. Olive, the Mission Director for USAID’s Regional Development Mission for Asia, stated, “We are thrilled to be launching this new program to raise awareness of the harms that criminality brings upon society, resulting in a public that is more informed to respond to transnational organized crime and corruption.”
The AIR Network will contribute to a media sector in Southeast Asia that is robust and resilient, reflects diverse voices, and produces impactful investigative reporting on critical issues related to regional crime, corruption, and corrosive capital. It will directly facilitate the formation of a locally-led investigative journalism network to foster cross-border collaboration among journalists operating in at least six Southeast Asian countries.
“This new program will work with media and civic actors to spur a greater regional synergy and overcome challenges to journalists’ ability to safely investigate, publish, and amplify stories that will increase citizens’ access to information about topics important for transparent governance,” said Milica Panic, Pact’s Chief of Party for CSM-STAND.
USAID will support and connect practitioners in Southeast Asia with one another and with global counterparts to report on critical regional stories that local journalists cannot fully uncover working solely within the borders of their countries.
“Crime and corruption frequently cross borders, with consequences that ripple far beyond a single country or region,” said Aliza Appelbaum, vice president of programs for ICFJ. “Through the AIR Network, reporters will get the resources they need to produce collaborative investigations that expose wrongdoing and serve the public good.”
USAID is committed to strengthening a sustainable regional network of journalists and looks forward to the positive impact this initiative will bring to investigative reporting in Asia.
How Small States Navigate U.S.-China Rivalry: The Case of Cambodia
By Pich Charadine and Chhengpor Aun (repost APLN - September 2023)
Amid growing distrust and an intensifying systemic rivalry, U.S.-China relations are at the lowest point in decades. In Washington, the last three U.S. administrations have sought to balance, challenge and counter China’s rises in Asia. In Beijing, revisionist leader Xi Jinping’s regime has an ambitious plan for “national rejuvenation” and views the United States as the major strategic threat to China’s ambitions. Countries like Cambodia are caught in between.
On the one hand, China’s receptiveness to Cambodia’s desire for political stability and economic development could enhance the domestic political standing of the regime in Phnom Penh and its strategic autonomy. On the other, Cambodia needs the United States and its allies for export destinations and to counterbalance against an over-reliance on any particular country, including China, despite disagreement between Phnom Penh and Washington on the ruling party’s treatment of dissent and domestic political arrangements.
Sino-American Rivalry and Strategic Implications for Cambodia
It is undeniable that, as a small state, Cambodia has less room to maneuver amid today’s unprecedented geopolitical competition and dynamic regional order. Still, the principles of non-interference, permanent neutrality, non-alignment, peaceful coexistence with neighbors, territorial integrity and national sovereignty, as enshrined in Article 53 of Cambodian constitution, continue to serve as a roadmap for Cambodia’s foreign policy direction.
After Xi’s state visit to Phnom Penh in 2016, Cambodia’s relations with China and the United States changed dramatically. Ceasing all military exercises with the United States in the 11th hour of the Obama administration, Cambodia inaugurated the “Dragon Gold” joint military exercise with China in December 2016. They repeated and expanded the exercise in 2018, 2019, 2020 and 2023. At the same time, U.S.-Cambodian ties began to decline. In addition to the absence of military exercises, the United States was implicated in a treason case against Cambodian opposition leader Kem Sokha, whose Cambodia National Rescue Party was disbanded.
Since June 2022, when Cambodia began the structural overhaul of its Ream Naval Base, U.S.-Cambodia relations have become even more difficult. The razing of U.S.-built facilities at the base to make way for the upgrade, an unsuccessful visit by the U.S. defense attaché, sanctions against Cambodian officials directly involved in the project, and a cut off of U.S. military education for Cambodian officers are some of the most prominent indications of deteriorating relations before 2022, particularly in regard to the defense relationship.
But during Cambodia’s 2022 chairmanship of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), there was an opportunity for improvement in U.S.-Cambodia ties. The Biden administration’s support was critical to Cambodia’s successful leadership of the regional grouping amid tumultuous years of global insecurity. As a result, the first U.S.-ASEAN Special Summit was held in Washington. Furthermore, leading Biden administration officials, including the president, Secretary of State Antony Blinken, Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin and Trade Representative Katherine Tai all visited Cambodia to attend different ASEAN-led meetings. In addition to his trip to Washington for the ASEAN summit, Prime Minister Hun Sen made a rare visit to the U.S. embassy compound in Phnom Penh at the end of 2022 in a bid to improve relations.
At the same time, Cambodia’s economy became less dependent on China during the pandemic. China’s share in Cambodia’s public debt decreased from 47.48% at the end of 2019 to 40.13% at the end of 2022 and 38.72% by the end of the first quarter of 2023. Besides large-scale infrastructure investments, there have been fewer economic engagements between Beijing and Phnom Penh due to the absence of Chinese tourism as a result of Beijing’s extensive zero-COVID policy and subsequent chaotic struggle to exit from that policy and make a post-pandemic recovery.
This year, Cambodian respondents to ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute’s annual state of Southeast Asia survey viewed the United States positively. Three-fourths were either “confident” or “very confident” when asked if the United States could be “a strategic partner and provider of regional security” and 73.1% said that “if ASEAN were forced to align itself with one of the two strategic rivals” it should choose the United States, with only 26.9% choosing China. This is a major reverse from the 2022 survey, where 81.5% chose China and only 18.5% chose the United States.
After Cambodia’s ASEAN chairmanship ended, Phnom Penh turned to focusing on its domestic affairs. With national elections and political succession looming large in early 2023, Cambodia began revitalizing ties with China and distancing itself from the United States. After over four and a half decades in office, the pioneering generation of the Cambodian People’s Party staged a once-in-a-lifetime dynastic transfer of powers to their immediate heirs. The new prime minister, Hun Manet, is the son of Hun Sen, who served as premier from 1985 until this year. Hun Manet traveled to Beijing just last week to strengthen ties with China. But this week, he is in the United States to attend the U.N. General Assembly and the Cambodia-U.S. Business Forum in bid to woo more American investment.
Insecure about what has been described as the Western efforts to seek regime change through “color revolution,” Phnom Penh may have perceived that U.S. engagement would weaken the central power of the ruling party in the long run. A major redline for Cambodia is interference in its internal affairs, and the perception that Washington intends to do so continues to challenge bilateral ties and dilute political trust. For their part, Western governments cited Cambodia’s own constitution, the Paris Peace Agreement and international treaties ratified by Cambodia involving civic and political rights as the basis of their criticism of Cambodia’s politics.
Cambodia’s Agency and Options
Some scholars argue that Cambodia is pursuing a “comprehensive bandwagoning” strategy toward China. This refers to small states’ attempts to “align with one bigger power in all dimensions — military, economic, political, and diplomatic — but does not aim at a particular power and does not completely distance itself from another bigger power.” While this argument does seem to illustrate the overall picture of Cambodia’s strategy toward China in a nutshell, it does not fully describe the country’s foreign policy direction. In other words, Cambodia’s strategy does not merely revolve around major power competition.
Cambodia sees China’s rise as peaceful and does not see potential threats emanating from its giant neighbor, as opposed to some other ASEAN countries like Vietnam and the Philippines, where South China Sea issues remain a critical security dilemma. Cambodia has benefited economically from various Chinese initiatives and regional frameworks that enable the country to enhance its socio-economic development.
The United States and its allies, however, continue to view Cambodia through the lens of competition with China. Given its geographic location and regional role, Cambodia is often perceived as the center of strategic competition between the two superpowers.
Nevertheless, many observers perceive the country’s strategy as “playing safe and low-profile diplomacy” by refraining from getting involved in internationally sensitive issues, particularly those that may obstruct or hinder the core interest of major powers. Analysts also see Cambodia utilizing “smart and flexible diplomacy” in order to benefit from all major and middle powers as core development partners contributing toward further national economic development.
Arguably, Cambodia’s agency and strategic autonomy can be seen as largely dictated by its statesman. Former Prime Minster Hun Sen proclaimed that if the United States continues to reject Cambodia’s explanation behind the Chinese overhaul of the Ream Naval Base that Phnom Penh would not accept Western rationales for the nuclear submarine alliance known as AUKUS. “I think this is the starting point, if not the danger to ASEAN, it is the starting point of the arms race in the region,” he said. Hun Sen has often called for major powers to not just consider Cambodia a lone state, but as a member of ASEAN, an institution with consensus-based leverage.
Cambodia also has agency in regard to principle-based and institutional frameworks. For instance, in 2017, Cambodia was the first ASEAN country to openly support Japan’s Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP) framework, even though it might hurt “China’s feelings and geostrategic interests.” Cambodia’s position toward the Russia-Ukraine war is a high-profile example of how it strongly abides by the rules-based international order. Despite the regime’s deeply rooted historical ties with the Soviet Union during the 1980s, Hun Sen co-sponsored a U.N. resolution in March 2022 to condemn Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. This bold move was not well received by all of Cambodia’s friends, but demonstrates that rules-based principles and international law can shield small states from larger neighbors. This resonates in Cambodia, which strongly opposes foreign intervention, violations of territorial sovereignty and coercion in all forms.
Another angle that is often overlooked is the diversification strategy of Cambodia toward middle powers, most recently with the Global South. Former Foreign Minister Prak Sokhonn’s official visits to Morocco and Egypt in March 2023 signified the country’s effort to maneuver and seek additional options beyond existing partnerships, and to relieve some pressure from major powers.
Albeit small, Cambodia is not without agency, which plays out in three ways. First, its strategic autonomy is largely dictated by its statesmen, who shapes the country’s foreign policy agenda and direction. Second, its adherence to principle-based and institutional frameworks is a pathway toward navigating sensitive and critical issues. Last but not least, its diversification strategy with middle powers and the Global South, which provides additional strategic options and more room to manoeuvre in this highly unprecedented geostrategic environment.
Read more here.